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In today’s technological world, young adults are exposed to a plethora of opportunities to engage in gambling activities, including simulated gambling games on social media sites. For some young adults, exposure to gambling and gambling-like activities may result in the over-involvement of gambling. In three focus groups, motivations that influenced young adults to engage in online gambling were explored. The participants noted several factors that motivated them to engage in online gambling: including suggestions from friends, the ease and accessibility of online gambling (compared to land-based venues), and incentives offered by the online gambling operators (e.g., $10 in free play). The results of our present research may have important implications for the progression and maintenance of online gambling among young adults. First, several participants reported having been drawn to online gambling by bonuses offered by the gambling operators. Whilst incentives may help attract new customers, it should be noted that they may not be creating frequent customers. Indeed, free-play offers (e.g., bonus offers) bring customers into a gambling venue, but fail to generate significant increases in volume of play (Lucas et al. 2005). Having said that, given that online gambling is often framed as a risky form of gambling, in part due to the increased accessibility, whether operators should be allowed to offer incentives, especially amongst vulnerable population may be an important question which policy makers should address. In addition to general factors that may motivate young adults to engage in online gambling, potential mechanisms for the social casino games-online gambling link were explored. One potential mechanism noted by the participants that may lead to the migration of online gambling from social casino games involves the use of advertisements by the online gambling operators. Specifically, it was noted that gambling operators sometimes use social casino games to advertise gambling activities without legal restrictions because it is a game. Indeed, as social casino games are not technically gambling activities, there is no regulation in regards to advertisement, prompting some to suggest that advertisements for social casino games be held to the same standard as gambling (Gainsbury et al. 2014). It has been suggested that these advertisements are more likely to appear to young adults and adolescents (Abarbanel et al. 2016). Further, advertisements for gambling (including social casino games) are frequent on social media sites and portray the positive aspects of gambling without any of the potential dangers (Gainsbury et al. 2016). Some of the participants in the focus groups reported moving from social casino games to real money gambling due to the constant advertisements of online casinos. As young adults may be more likely to be influenced by advertisements (Derevensky et al. 2010), some researchers have suggested that advertisements for social casino games be held to the same standard as gambling (Derevensky and Gainsbury 2016). Our results seem to provide support for this suggestion. A second mechanism by which players migrated from social casino games to online gambling was via the inflated payout rates on social casino games. Note this mechanism was also identified in the two pathways model proposed by King and Delfabbro (2016). Specifically, participants felt an increased confidence in winning should they have engaged in real-money gambling. Further, several participants stated that their frequent wins on social casino games propelled them to try engaging in online gambling. This is in line with previous research, which found that a portion of casino gamers play these games to build up their ‘skill’ before migrating to gambling in land-based or online gambling venues (see Kim et al. 2016). However, the inflated payout rates may give players an inflated belief in the skill, and, of course, there is no skill if the game of choice is one of pure-chance, like a slot machine. In fact, social casino game outcomes are not based on random odds and mathematics, but are rather designed to enhance player enjoyment (Wohl et al. 2017). Because of this, the social casino gamer wins more than he loses (Sévigny et al. 2005), which in turn, may falsely increase their confidence in winning, as proposed by King and Delfabbro (2016). Providing further support that frequent wins and perception of skills as a process by which social casino games to lead to online gambling, Hollingshead et al. (2016) showed that playing social casino games for skill purposes have been linked to problematic gambling behaviors. In this light, it would behoove regulators to enforce payout rates that are similar to gambling activities, or at very least mandate social casino gaming operators to inform players of that social casino games are not based on random odds as their gambling counterparts. According to Blaszczynski and Nower’s (2002) pathways model of problem and pathological gambling, there are three distinct subgroups of gamblers, each with different pathways that manifest in problem gambling behaviors. In the model, the starting point is ecological factors, which include increased availability and accessibility. In this way, social casino games may influence the development of problem gambling among young adults by providing ease of access and increased availability. Indeed, one of the concerns of social casino games is that although they purport to have age verifications, a UK study found that 300,000 youths aged 11–16 reported having engaged in free online gambling games in the past week (Parke et al. 2013). Furthermore, it is plausible that if social casino games lead to the development of problem gambling, it does through Pathway 1, the behaviourally conditioned gambler. This pathway includes cognitive mechanisms such as irrational beliefs and illusion of control, which may manifest due to the inflated payout rates on social casino games. That said, this is an assertion and would be in need of empirical support. Limitations. Some limitations of the current study should be noted. First, we did not recruit a sufficient number of female online gamblers to ascertain different trends and cognitions that may be gender-specific. That said, studies have consistently found that online gamblers tend to be young males (Griffiths et al. 2009; for a review see Gainsbury 2015). Thus, we have confidence that the observed results maintain ecological validity. Secondly, the findings of the current project are not intended to be reflective of the college population as a whole. Rather, the findings are qualitative in nature and should be used to guide future research initiatives. Lastly, we recruited online gamblers to participant in the focus groups, rather than social casino gamers. Thus, the current study cannot speak to social casino games being a deterrent to online gambling (e.g., knowing you can’t win). Conclusion. The Internet has drastically shaped the way in which people engage with the world, including with gambling activities Furthermore, social networking sites have become a fabric of the modern day world. While the Internet and specifically social networking sites are a great medium to stay connected with loved ones, they have increasingly become an avenue to engage in gambling activities, including simulated forms of gambling (i.e., social casino games). The present research explored the motivations that push young adults to engage in online gambling, including the role of social casino games. Further research and attention is needed in this domain to mitigate the potential migration from gaming to gambling, specifically amongst those most vulnerable., first person dream catcher बिटकॉइन कैसीनो लाइव डीलर. References.
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